Straight answers, no sales call.

Serious campaigns at every level — municipal through federal — plus political consultants, firms, parties, PACs, 501(c)(4) advocacy orgs, and public-affairs teams. Civitas scales from a first-time state-house candidate to a multi-race consultant book to a national coalition operation.

A team of campaign operators, former candidates, and ML engineers — people who have run races and stood for office themselves. We built Civitas because we were tired of duct-taping seven vendors together to run one campaign. Everything in the platform is a thing we wished existed when we were in the chair.

Read-only browsing of voter files (by district), FEC donor lookups, 50 AI queries per month on standard models, CSV exports up to 1,000 rows per query, and access to every research article on the site. Enough to prototype a real race.

If you know your district, under 10 minutes. Civitas is chat-first — there's no schema to learn. Ask for what you need ("persuadable under-40 voters in precinct 4012"), get a result, refine from there.

Directly from each state's election authority — Secretaries of State, state boards of elections, or equivalent. We don't buy from data brokers. Every record carries a source citation.

Voter files refresh quarterly (most states post updates on that cadence). FEC federal data refreshes weekly. State donor files refresh as each state publishes. Business licensing syncs daily.

No. The data catalog is the commons. We're a platform business — we monetize the tools (AI, routing, scoring, modeling), not the fact that a voter registered.

On held-out historical FEC cycles, the P(give) model ranks donors with an AUC of ~0.82, and the expected-gift model beats dollar-uniform priors by roughly 2.4× in lift on the top decile. We publish methodology and updates in the articles section.

Yes — voter-file access is legal in every state, but each state defines permitted use. Most allow election, political, governmental, journalistic, and academic-research use; most prohibit commercial resale and soliciting contributions based on registration data. Civitas tags every record with its state's permitted-use rules and blocks disallowed queries at runtime.

Not for voter-file-derived audiences. The data licenses prohibit it and we enforce this. You can use our business-licensing and census-joined data for commercial work on the appropriate plan — talk to us.

FEC data is public by federal law. State donor data is public per each state's campaign-finance disclosure laws. We never expose donor PII beyond what's already published in public filings, and we do not sell donor lists.

Compliance is on the user, but Civitas surfaces the relevant warnings and never auto-dials or auto-emails. You're the data controller for anything you export.

Every piece of generated or uploaded content (mailer, ad, press release, social post) runs through a legal-review pass that flags: factual claims against identifiable people, the presence of actual-malice indicators, fact-versus-opinion framing, and whether statements reference matters of public concern. It cites the relevant case law (N.Y. Times v. Sullivan, Gertz v. Welch, Milkovich v. Lorain) and tells you specifically what to tighten.

On Max and Enterprise, yes — Civitas drafts Form 3, 3X, and state equivalents from your transaction ledger and flags misclassifications before you file. It is a drafting and review tool, not a substitute for a compliance lawyer, but it eliminates the hours of rote work that usually go into filings.

Electioneering-window restrictions, robocall / TCPA exposure, coordination rules, disclosure thresholds, contribution limits, reporting windows, and state-specific disclaimers. Every flag is tied to a statute citation you can hand to your lawyer.

No. It is a high-quality first pass that catches 90% of the things a lawyer would catch, surfaces everything with citations, and gives your lawyer a much faster starting point. For anything close to a line, talk to a licensed attorney in your state.

We route queries to whichever model handles them best. Long-context and summarization lean on Gemini. Nuanced reasoning and writing lean on Claude. Specialist statistical reasoning goes to reasoning-tuned models. On Max, you get frontier tier (Opus, Ultra) by default.

Civitas is built to minimize hallucination on structured queries — every chart, list, or number it returns traces back to a SQL query against the catalog, and the query is shown to you. Natural-language questions that can't be grounded return "I don't know" instead of a guess. Free-form generative tasks (draft a mailer, summarize a region) are clearly marked as generative.

Meta has announced a forthcoming constituency-level audience simulation model. When it ships, Civitas will integrate it to let you stress-test ads against simulated audience segments before spending media dollars. Until then, our in-house message-fit model handles this.

Because political speech is a solved corpus — we have decades of speeches with measurable outcomes. Training message-fit and tonal-risk models on that corpus lets us tell a first-time candidate that their mailer accidentally sounds like a 2008 attack ad. That's the value.

30% off Pro and Max for verified 501(c)(3) and (c)(4) organizations. Email hello@constituencydata.com with your EIN.

Yes. Pause any monthly plan for up to 90 days without losing your workspace or saved queries.

Only if you need SSO, procurement paperwork, dedicated support, or custom data ingestion. Otherwise Max is usually enough.